We Are Winning
Note: This is my most recent article from my parallel writing endeavour, presented here first and in its entirety.
On Saturday, 10th November, the United States Marine Corps celebrated its 232nd birthday. Part of the celebration involved a list of "232 Reasons to Love Your Corps", published in the Marine Times. Although all the items were noteworthy (particularly the list of the Marines who have received the Navy Cross as a result of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan), number sixty-one jumped out at me: "Give a Marine some free time, and he'll rip down your dictator's statue."
We all remember (some of us were lucky enough to have watched live) as the Marines pulled that statue of Saddam Hussein down on 9th April, 2003. Four and a half years later, the Iraq War has become the single most divisive issue in domestic and international politics. The invasion has influenced elections all over the world, as those who supported and participated in the invasion have engaged in hard-fought campaigns against their political detractors. The war has influenced both the American economy and the global economy at large.
No one would argue the fact that the Iraq War has been difficult. The Coalition has encountered political opposition from Europe and some in the United States. The enemies, be they al Qaeda in Iraq, al Mahdi Army Militia, or Baathist, have proven patient and cunning. They have demonstrated a willingness to accept far heavier losses than the members of the Coalition, as well as an uncanny ability to manipulate a global media establishment that often seems more sympathetic to terrorism than to those who endeavour to provide security and fundamental human rights to innocent Iraqis.
Coalition troops and Iraqi citizens continue to encounter a constantly changing threat from improvised explosive devices (consistently but not exclusively composed of 155mm artillery rounds, similar to the M107, left over from the Hussein era), including a new threat from explosively formed penetrators supplied by Iran. Further evidence of Iranian involvement has appeared in the form of Austrian sniper rifles, purchased by Iran under the guise of "fighting drug trafficking" but recovered by American forces from insurgents in Iraq; and also Iranian Katyusha and Kassam rockets. The enemy's use of 105mm rockets from China also raises questions as to the identity of other suppliers.
Aside from a dedicated core of supporters, the Coalition appears to be besieged by enemies and their supporters on all sides. However, one simple fact is becoming increasingly apparent, even in hostile media outlets.
Coalition troops are winning.
The most spectacular success that the Coalition has seen so far has been in Anbar, the province that takes up the majority of Western Iraq. A sort of wilderness even during the time of Saddam Hussein, at one time al Qaeda enjoyed operational supremacy in Anbar, for various reasons relating to its political leanings and promises made by the leaders of al Qaeda in Iraq. Anbaris joined forces with al Qaeda, and resisted American influence to the point of killing and mutilating four Blackwater contractors and sparking Operations Vigilant Resolve and Phantom Fury/al Fajr in 2004. However, in the last nine months, al Qaeda in Iraq's own hubris and brutal enforcement of sharia led the Anbaris to fight back.
Some outlets have claimed that the recent swing in America's favor in Anbar had more to do with al Qaeda's brutality than it did with American efforts; however, the fact of the matter is that as troublesome as some American mistakes in Iraq have been, American and Coalition forces have proven to be an undeniably beneficent, fair, and benevolent force. American Marines in Anbar proved this by setting an example of consistent integrity and respect for human rights, and that consistent example eventually proved to the residents of Anbar that America's cause in Anbar was not only less dangerous than that of al Qaeda, but legitimately virtuous. The bottom line in Anbar is that reconstruction has began, it's now one of the safest parts of the country, and American Marines are so confident that they've accomplished their mission in Anbar that there have been suggestions that the bulk of the Marines in Anbar be redeployed to Afghanistan in order to assist in similar counterinsurgency efforts there.
More information about the situation in Anbar can be found at the blogs of Michael Yon and Michael Totten, two independent journalists reporting from Iraq.
Southern Iraq is dominated by the provinces of Basra, Muthanna, Dhi Qar, and Maysan provinces, home of the largest concentration of Shi'i Arabs in the world. During the Iraq War, this area has been administered by a multinational force led by the forces of the United Kingdom. Several incidents have marred the situation in Basra. In September of 2005, two undercover members of the Special Air Service, the British Army's special forces organization, were arrested by Iraqi police and quickly freed by British tanks. This jail break led to outbreaks of mob violence, resulting in attacks on British armored vehicles and personnel. The situation in Basra has often seemed bleak.
And now? Since British troops pulled back to a consolidated airport base in September of 2007, Basra has witnessed a ninety percent reduction in attacks, although the BBC reports that militants are now targeting women in increasing numbers. Shi'i leaders are even negotiating with American troops - having seen the results in Anbar, these Shi'i sheikhs are demonstrating a desire to work with the Coalition to bring extremists under control. Basra, the oil-rich home of Iraq's Shi'i majority, is demonstrating a desire to be part of the eventual political reconciliation.
The Coalition is also seeing success in the northern area of the Sunni Triangle, in areas such as the Diyala and Salah ad Din provinces. After al Qaeda in Iraq outlasted its welcome in Anbar, the survivors of the Anbari revolt evacuated to Baqubah in the Diyala province. Operation Arrowhead Ripper has put al Qaeda on the run even in Baqubah, and while Diyala is not yet as secure as Anbar, Coalition troops (along with the official Iraqi Security Forces and local militias like the 1920 Revolution Brigade) are hunting for, closing with, and killing the core al Qaeda in Iraq members. The progress in Baqubah can be witnessed in the two-part series Bread and a Circus and the three-part series Hunting al Qaeda by Michael Yon. Yon provides a pertinent video in which an Iraqi official discusses with American troops why al Qaeda's impending defeat in Baqubah will likely be the mortal wound that eliminates the movement altogether in Iraq.
And what about Baghdad? The nexus of Iraq's varying ethnic and religious groups (Sunni Arabs, Shi'i Arabs, Sunni Kurds, Roman Catholic Chaldeans, and various other minority groups), Baghdad is the capital of both the Iraqi nation and the Coalition's entire effort in the country. It has seen unprecedented insurgent terrorist violence, from various assaults on the heavily-fortified international "green" zone, to continuous IED attacks on the road leading from the city itself to Baghdad International Airport, to a horrendous attack on the United Nations compound. When American commanders began implementing the "surge" strategy in 2007, a majority of the surge force was based in Baghdad.
Baghdad has seen a marked decrease in attacks. According to Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki, violence has fallen seventy-five percent in Baghdad and Anbar. The increase in security and decline in sectarian violence has led thousands of Iraqis to return to Baghdad.
The deputy commander of American forces in Northern Iraq, Brigadier General James Boozer, has touted indications that Iranian shipments of weapons to Iraq have decreased or ceased. Attacks by rockets and mortars in Iraq have fallen sharply since the early summer. A report by the Congressional Research Service has reported that military deaths, while tragic and regrettable in each and every case, are fewer now than they were in the early 1980's, during years of decreased American deployments abroad. Though it took time, patience, sweat, and in many cases blood, allied forces have developed the knowledge, expertise, experience, and skills necessary to fight both the combat and intelligence operations needed to kill the insurgent enemies and disrupt their logistical networks.
Does this mean that the war is over? By no means. Challenges still abound, and attacks continue against both Coalition troops and Iraqi civilians. A Democrat-led Joint Economic Committee in Congress claims that the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan may be double what was previously believed. The war has strained relations between America and Turkey, resulting in a decline in Turkish restraint when confronting rebels of the PKK in the autonomous Kurdish areas of Northern Iraq. America's legislators in Congress are losing the patience and resolve needed to finish and consolidate these gains, and the Democrat majority remains focused on cutting war funding in an effort to prematurely end the Iraq War prior to an unadulterated American victory. International media outlets, regardless of positive developments cited in articles throughout this piece, remain almost exclusively focused on glorifying the terrorist enemy and portraying American troops as either villains or victims.
Meanwhile, Coalition troops retain a singular focus on carrying out their crucial mission to establish security and safeguard human rights for Iraqi citizens of every color and creed, save for those who espouse the creed of sectarian terrorism. Efforts continue in weeding hardcore al Qaeda infiltrators out of the Iraqi Security Forces, fighting corruption in the various agencies of the Iraqi government, restoring vital infrastructure, and reconciling the various factions. However, the evidence of tangible, undeniable progress toward a Coalition victory (which means a shared victory with the free citizens of Iraq) is found in the form of the above image: Iraqi Christians and Muslims restoring the cross to the top of the dome of St. John's Church in Baghdad. Iraqis of both faiths felt that conditions are now safe enough to warrant this action, and they invited American soldiers to witness the event. This is the evidence of our progress.
This point can not be reiterated enough: we are winning.
On Saturday, 10th November, the United States Marine Corps celebrated its 232nd birthday. Part of the celebration involved a list of "232 Reasons to Love Your Corps", published in the Marine Times. Although all the items were noteworthy (particularly the list of the Marines who have received the Navy Cross as a result of operations in Iraq and Afghanistan), number sixty-one jumped out at me: "Give a Marine some free time, and he'll rip down your dictator's statue."
We all remember (some of us were lucky enough to have watched live) as the Marines pulled that statue of Saddam Hussein down on 9th April, 2003. Four and a half years later, the Iraq War has become the single most divisive issue in domestic and international politics. The invasion has influenced elections all over the world, as those who supported and participated in the invasion have engaged in hard-fought campaigns against their political detractors. The war has influenced both the American economy and the global economy at large.
No one would argue the fact that the Iraq War has been difficult. The Coalition has encountered political opposition from Europe and some in the United States. The enemies, be they al Qaeda in Iraq, al Mahdi Army Militia, or Baathist, have proven patient and cunning. They have demonstrated a willingness to accept far heavier losses than the members of the Coalition, as well as an uncanny ability to manipulate a global media establishment that often seems more sympathetic to terrorism than to those who endeavour to provide security and fundamental human rights to innocent Iraqis.
Coalition troops and Iraqi citizens continue to encounter a constantly changing threat from improvised explosive devices (consistently but not exclusively composed of 155mm artillery rounds, similar to the M107, left over from the Hussein era), including a new threat from explosively formed penetrators supplied by Iran. Further evidence of Iranian involvement has appeared in the form of Austrian sniper rifles, purchased by Iran under the guise of "fighting drug trafficking" but recovered by American forces from insurgents in Iraq; and also Iranian Katyusha and Kassam rockets. The enemy's use of 105mm rockets from China also raises questions as to the identity of other suppliers.
Aside from a dedicated core of supporters, the Coalition appears to be besieged by enemies and their supporters on all sides. However, one simple fact is becoming increasingly apparent, even in hostile media outlets.
Coalition troops are winning.
The most spectacular success that the Coalition has seen so far has been in Anbar, the province that takes up the majority of Western Iraq. A sort of wilderness even during the time of Saddam Hussein, at one time al Qaeda enjoyed operational supremacy in Anbar, for various reasons relating to its political leanings and promises made by the leaders of al Qaeda in Iraq. Anbaris joined forces with al Qaeda, and resisted American influence to the point of killing and mutilating four Blackwater contractors and sparking Operations Vigilant Resolve and Phantom Fury/al Fajr in 2004. However, in the last nine months, al Qaeda in Iraq's own hubris and brutal enforcement of sharia led the Anbaris to fight back.
Some outlets have claimed that the recent swing in America's favor in Anbar had more to do with al Qaeda's brutality than it did with American efforts; however, the fact of the matter is that as troublesome as some American mistakes in Iraq have been, American and Coalition forces have proven to be an undeniably beneficent, fair, and benevolent force. American Marines in Anbar proved this by setting an example of consistent integrity and respect for human rights, and that consistent example eventually proved to the residents of Anbar that America's cause in Anbar was not only less dangerous than that of al Qaeda, but legitimately virtuous. The bottom line in Anbar is that reconstruction has began, it's now one of the safest parts of the country, and American Marines are so confident that they've accomplished their mission in Anbar that there have been suggestions that the bulk of the Marines in Anbar be redeployed to Afghanistan in order to assist in similar counterinsurgency efforts there.
More information about the situation in Anbar can be found at the blogs of Michael Yon and Michael Totten, two independent journalists reporting from Iraq.
Southern Iraq is dominated by the provinces of Basra, Muthanna, Dhi Qar, and Maysan provinces, home of the largest concentration of Shi'i Arabs in the world. During the Iraq War, this area has been administered by a multinational force led by the forces of the United Kingdom. Several incidents have marred the situation in Basra. In September of 2005, two undercover members of the Special Air Service, the British Army's special forces organization, were arrested by Iraqi police and quickly freed by British tanks. This jail break led to outbreaks of mob violence, resulting in attacks on British armored vehicles and personnel. The situation in Basra has often seemed bleak.
And now? Since British troops pulled back to a consolidated airport base in September of 2007, Basra has witnessed a ninety percent reduction in attacks, although the BBC reports that militants are now targeting women in increasing numbers. Shi'i leaders are even negotiating with American troops - having seen the results in Anbar, these Shi'i sheikhs are demonstrating a desire to work with the Coalition to bring extremists under control. Basra, the oil-rich home of Iraq's Shi'i majority, is demonstrating a desire to be part of the eventual political reconciliation.
The Coalition is also seeing success in the northern area of the Sunni Triangle, in areas such as the Diyala and Salah ad Din provinces. After al Qaeda in Iraq outlasted its welcome in Anbar, the survivors of the Anbari revolt evacuated to Baqubah in the Diyala province. Operation Arrowhead Ripper has put al Qaeda on the run even in Baqubah, and while Diyala is not yet as secure as Anbar, Coalition troops (along with the official Iraqi Security Forces and local militias like the 1920 Revolution Brigade) are hunting for, closing with, and killing the core al Qaeda in Iraq members. The progress in Baqubah can be witnessed in the two-part series Bread and a Circus and the three-part series Hunting al Qaeda by Michael Yon. Yon provides a pertinent video in which an Iraqi official discusses with American troops why al Qaeda's impending defeat in Baqubah will likely be the mortal wound that eliminates the movement altogether in Iraq.
And what about Baghdad? The nexus of Iraq's varying ethnic and religious groups (Sunni Arabs, Shi'i Arabs, Sunni Kurds, Roman Catholic Chaldeans, and various other minority groups), Baghdad is the capital of both the Iraqi nation and the Coalition's entire effort in the country. It has seen unprecedented insurgent terrorist violence, from various assaults on the heavily-fortified international "green" zone, to continuous IED attacks on the road leading from the city itself to Baghdad International Airport, to a horrendous attack on the United Nations compound. When American commanders began implementing the "surge" strategy in 2007, a majority of the surge force was based in Baghdad.
Baghdad has seen a marked decrease in attacks. According to Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki, violence has fallen seventy-five percent in Baghdad and Anbar. The increase in security and decline in sectarian violence has led thousands of Iraqis to return to Baghdad.
The deputy commander of American forces in Northern Iraq, Brigadier General James Boozer, has touted indications that Iranian shipments of weapons to Iraq have decreased or ceased. Attacks by rockets and mortars in Iraq have fallen sharply since the early summer. A report by the Congressional Research Service has reported that military deaths, while tragic and regrettable in each and every case, are fewer now than they were in the early 1980's, during years of decreased American deployments abroad. Though it took time, patience, sweat, and in many cases blood, allied forces have developed the knowledge, expertise, experience, and skills necessary to fight both the combat and intelligence operations needed to kill the insurgent enemies and disrupt their logistical networks.
Does this mean that the war is over? By no means. Challenges still abound, and attacks continue against both Coalition troops and Iraqi civilians. A Democrat-led Joint Economic Committee in Congress claims that the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan may be double what was previously believed. The war has strained relations between America and Turkey, resulting in a decline in Turkish restraint when confronting rebels of the PKK in the autonomous Kurdish areas of Northern Iraq. America's legislators in Congress are losing the patience and resolve needed to finish and consolidate these gains, and the Democrat majority remains focused on cutting war funding in an effort to prematurely end the Iraq War prior to an unadulterated American victory. International media outlets, regardless of positive developments cited in articles throughout this piece, remain almost exclusively focused on glorifying the terrorist enemy and portraying American troops as either villains or victims.
Meanwhile, Coalition troops retain a singular focus on carrying out their crucial mission to establish security and safeguard human rights for Iraqi citizens of every color and creed, save for those who espouse the creed of sectarian terrorism. Efforts continue in weeding hardcore al Qaeda infiltrators out of the Iraqi Security Forces, fighting corruption in the various agencies of the Iraqi government, restoring vital infrastructure, and reconciling the various factions. However, the evidence of tangible, undeniable progress toward a Coalition victory (which means a shared victory with the free citizens of Iraq) is found in the form of the above image: Iraqi Christians and Muslims restoring the cross to the top of the dome of St. John's Church in Baghdad. Iraqis of both faiths felt that conditions are now safe enough to warrant this action, and they invited American soldiers to witness the event. This is the evidence of our progress.
This point can not be reiterated enough: we are winning.
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