16 October 2007

Unlikely Allies: MEK and Jundallah

Note: I originally submitted this elsewhere, and I'm finally getting around to including the appropriate links and posting it here. I hope you folks find it informative and thought-provoking.

As the nations of the West and their allies continue to fight the International War on Terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq, interference from neighboring Iran has resulted in increased scrutiny from the military and intelligence communities. Ironically, Iran has become both an instigator and a victim of guerilla action in recent months.

In order to understand the current situation, a brief review of recent history is required. The current stalemate with Iran began in 1979, when Shah Reza Pahlavi was ousted and the revolutionary government of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini took power. Almost overnight, a major Western ally in the Middle East was transformed into a paranoid, hostile rival. Several months later, the American embassy in Tehran was overrun by protestors, resulting in the infamous Iran Hostage Crisis. Motivated in part by the resulting turmoil, Iraq initiated a protracted eight year war in September of 1980 that would last until 1988. The war was ultimately a stalemate, severely stretching Iran's resources and leaving an estimated half-million Iranians dead.

In October of 1983, Islamist terrorists bombed the U.S. Marine Corps' barracks in Beirut, Lebanon; the attack killed nearly 250 American personnel. Evidence links the attack to militants who would eventually become the Shiite terrorist group Hezbollah. Hezbollah was formed with support and guidance from the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, and Iran continues to support Hezbollah to this day.

As the Iran-Iraq War raged, American forces were drawn into the fracas in an effort to protect Kuwaiti oil tankers in the Persian Gulf; this operation was known as Operation Earnest Will. In April of 1988, USS Samuel B. Roberts (an American frigate involved in Earnest Will) struck a mine and was nearly lost. Upon recovering more mines in the area, they were determined to be from the same lot as mines from the Iran Ajr, an Iranian mine-laying amphibious assault ship that had been captured and scuttled in September of 1987. This evidence led to the execution of Operation Praying Mantis, a retaliatory naval attack against Iranian naval forces.

Relatively speaking, the decade and a half following the end of the Iran-Iraq War were marked by quiet opposition. In recent years, the Iranian government has prioritized the development of nuclear power, and many in the intelligence community believe that this vigor is covertly directed at the development of nuclear weapons. Evidence indicates that the Iranian government is also aiding not only Shiite militias in Iraq (most notably Moqtada al Sadr's al Mahdi Militia), but also the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Some evidence also points to Iranian government support for al Qaeda. The Iranian navy has also captured, and subsequently released, the members of two British naval patrols during the course of the Iraq War, and directly challenged multinational forces on several occasions.

Thus, Iran continues to be a strategic challenge for the West. However, the Iranian government, currently led by Supreme Leader Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the controversial President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, are not without home-grown challengers. Two major groups have received media attention in recent months.

The largest and most aggressive Iranian opposition group is known variously as the Mujahideen-e-Khalq (MEK) (CNN, Wiki, Global Security) and the People's Mujahideen of Iran, among other names. It was founded in the 1960s by college-educated Iranians opposed to the Shah; although they participated in the Iranian Revolution, their combined Marxist/Islamist philosophy put them at odds with Khomeini and his supporters. They operated along the Iran/Iraq border for several years, before being expelled and relocating to Paris. The MEK supported Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War, and moved there in 1986.

In addition to various terrorist activities directed at the Iranian government, the MEK assisted the Saddam Hussein with internal security and suppression of opposition forces, including assistance in putting down the 1991 Kurdish and Shiite uprisings. In the 1970s, their targets included Americans working for the government in Tehran. After several operations in the late 1990s, MEK insurgent operations essentially stopped after 2001. The State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations includes the MEK. The organization is led by a married couple, Massoud and Maryam Rajavi. The wife, Maryam, became the overall leader of the entire organization a number of years ago, while Massoud commands the military wing.

The primary MEK base is at Camp Ashraf, approximately one hundred kilometers north of Baghdad. During the 2003 invasion of Iraq, a ceasefire was established almost immediately, and the MEK contingent of several thousand (nearly all of their worldwide membership) remains there under the protection and supervision of both the United States military and the International Red Cross. When questioned about this, both organizations cite the Fourth Geneva Convention.

In contrast to the identity of the Mujahideen-e-Khalq, a second group has arisen in the eastern Iranian province of Sistan within the last several years. Calling itself "Jundallah", meaning "Brigade of God", this group has enjoyed some degree of success since its initial operations against the Iranian government in 2003. While the MEK is secular-leaning in recent years, Jundallah is an openly Sunni organization, waging a war for the interests of ethnic Balochi Sunnis in Iran's eastern Sistan-Balochistan province.

Balochistan has proved problematic in recent years to the governments of South Asia. Not unlike the bordering Waziristan region, a lawless country bridging Afghanistan and Pakistan that is believed by many to be the current refuge of al Qaeda leaders, the Pakistani portion of Balochistan is almost completely ungovernable. Balochistan spans portions of Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan; because of this, it serves as a refuge for cross-border attacks into Afghanistan and Iran from the untamed Pakistani portion. Jundallah has apparently taken advantage of this refuge when staging attacks and operations against the Iranian government.

Jundallah is led by Abdulmalik Rigi, a Balochi in his mid-twenties. He was been reported dead by the Iranian government at least once in 2005, only to appear in a video several days later. He has denied holding separatist intentions, and describes himself as an Iranian. He claims that his group's operations are aimed at improving conditions for ethnic Baluchis, a group oppressed by the Iranian government for both its ethnic and religious minority status. Some claim that Rigi and his group are affiliated with al Qaeda; he has given interviews to both Iranian news agencies and the Voice of America, the latter of which could indicate that al Qaeda connections may be overstated. He has also issued statements via MKO-TV, the television outlet of the MEK.

Jundallah has carried out several kidnappings, including one kidnapping and ransom of seven Iranian soldiers. The group gained worldwide attention in February when they carried out a car bomb attack (AP, BBC, BBC, CNN) against a motorcade carrying members of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guard. The attack, which occurred in the Sistan-Baluchistan capital Zahedan, resulted in the deaths of eleven Revolutionary Guardsmen, and injuries to more than 30. The Iranian government captured and subsequently executed suspected accomplices. Two days later, a gun battle erupted between suspected Jundallah members and Iranian security forces following the explosion of a percussion bomb (AP, BBC, CNN, CNN).

ABC News reported in April of this year that the United States has been "secretly encouraging and advising" Jundallah since 2005, funneling resources to the group through intermediaries. The article goes on to say that the CIA denies any involvement, while an unnamed senior government official noted that groups like Jundallah are instrumental in helping to track known terrorists, and that it is appropriate to work with them in that context.

The implications of these factors to allied prosecution of the War on Terror are complex. On the one hand, an absolute moral fortitude is crucial in the underlying image war that accompanies every individual bullet that coalition troops fire. Can America appear complicit with terrorist attacks that happen to be directed at strategic rivals like Iran? Shouldn't American military and intelligence officers remember the lesson learned by the accidental encouragement and creation of the al Qaeda during the Soviet-Afghan War?

As usual, the situation is more complex than surface level-media coverage indicates. First, it is worth noting, once again, that while America supported mujahideen fighters in Afghanistan, the faction that received American support went on to become the Northern Alliance, while the allies of the Saudi-supported "Arab Afghans" went on to found al Qaeda and the Taliban. However, as important as this point is, it is tangental.

In the case of the MEK, they have been completely cooperative with the United States since the fall of the Shah's government in Iran; indeed, their agenda has changed and matured into one supportive of pluralistic democracy, and they have renounced terrorist violence against Iran in recent years. Some sources even indicate that it was MEK intelligence and surveillance operations that originally revealed the new Iranian nuclear efforts. The U.S. military cites the MEK as a crucial source of intelligence with respect to Iran, a major strategic rival for which intelligence is difficult to come by.

With respect to Jundallah, not only has Jundallah focused exclusively on Iranian government targets (primarily military ones, like kidnapped soldiers and the aforementioned Republican Guard motorcade), but they are precisely the type of group that has served as a valuable source of intelligence in the past. Their agenda is not dissimilar to that of important allies of the past and present, like the Kurdish Peshmerga militias in Iraq, the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan, or the Degar/Montagnard forces of Vietnam. Despite the ABC News coverage, hard evidence of American support to Jundallah is practically non-existent; even so, their motives and history do not justify anxiety at present.

While the United States has a responsibility to maintain a moral superiority in both word and deed when compared with the enemies of freedom, other examples from the past serve as a reminder that allies must sometimes be chosen for reasons of convenience. One need look no further than the presidency of Jimmy Carter, whose refusal to deal with any unsavory elements nearly led to the loss of the Cold War, and sheer economic, political, and social turmoil on American soil. In contrast, President Reagan's willingness to deal with dictators and other questionable groups on his own terms led to the collapse of the Soviet Empire.

There are many threats to freedom in the world today, but the most dangerous and potent threat is the threat from Islamist terrorism. A victory against the enemies of freedom will be secured only by opposing Islamist terrorist groups, and flagrant state sponsors like Iran, on every level and at every opportunity. Established and executed on our own terms, careful alliances with opposition groups like the MEK and Jundallah, coupled with more formal measures such as sanctions and diplomatic pressure, can do nothing but strengthen our hand in the perpetual fight for freedom.

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