Much Ado About Kosovo
Note: This is my latest submission for my parallel writing endeavour.
On Sunday, 17th February, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia. Thus far, the international response to this unilateral declaration has been mixed. Several prominent governments, notably the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Turkey, and Afghanistan, have acknowledged Kosovar independence, while several other major nations, notably Russia, China, and Spain, have refused. A number of other countries, such as Greece, Romania, Israel, and the other component nations of the former Yugoslavia, have withheld their support for either internal reasons, or to avoid complicating their relations with Serbia.
Kosovo has existed in various forms since at least the fourth century BC, during which time it has been incorporated into the Ottoman Empire, Albania, Yugoslavia, and finally Serbia. The majority of Kosovo's population consists of ethnic Albanians, most of whom are moderate Muslims; the Kosovar culture is pluralistic, and tensions between the Albanian majority and the primarily Serb minority on the basis of religion have been minimal. During the numerous conflicts in the region following the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, violence has occurred primarily upon ethnic divides, although such notable Islamist militants as Abu Hamza al Masri are believed to have participated in an Arab mujahideen against the Serbs.
The relationship between Serbia and the semi-autonomous province of Kosovo in the 1990's was extremely complex, and the narrative includes violence perpetrated by both the Serbs and the Kosovars. In 1999, the violence between the two, instigated in large part by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), led to an intervention and bombing campaign by NATO forces against Serbia. Since 1999, Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and overseen by the NATO KFOR peace keeping force. Kosovo's declaration of independence was met by celebratory marches in Kosovo itself, featuring the waving of American flags; and anti-independence demonstrations in now-neighboring Serbia, which still considers Kosovo to be Serbian territory. These demonstrations led to the storming and torching of the American embassy in the Serbian capital of Belgrade, prompting a withdrawal of American personnel.
As mentioned previously, NATO's involvement in Kosovo has been controversial from the start. Some saw the need to support a campaign aimed at cutting off alleged ethnic cleansing; others believed that NATO was backing the wrong side in a conflict between the Muslim Kosovar Albanians and the Christian serbs, a conflict that continued to be instigated by the terrorist attacks of the KLA. Still others believed that intervention had been unnecessary, arbitrary meddling, particularly when a major part of the justification for war came in the form of charges of "ethnic cleansing" and "mass graves" that failed to materialize in significant numbers once NATO forces entered Kosovo.
To their credit, since the 1999 intervention, the former Kosovar rebels have formed a stable, peaceful, pro-Western government. Part of the justification of some for supporting Kosovo's independence bid is based precisely on this: despite its violent past, the majority Muslim country has avoided violence since the 1999 war, embraced stability, and normalized its relationship with the outside world. This justification has some merit, although critics will cite the fact that such precedents are unlikely to influence other Muslim-dominated nations in North Africa, the Middle East, and Asia; European Muslim nations like Turkey, Albania, and now Kosovo are influenced more by European culture than by their predominately Muslim faith.
The question then remains: if nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Turkey have recognized Kosovo's independence, why have other nations such as Russia, China, and even Spain refused to do the same? Although the relationship between Russia and its former Yugoslav satellite of Serbia can't be dismissed as a major factor, one underlying reason for this refusal to recognize Kosovo is that it sets a precedent. The Spanish have been engaged in a conflict with Basque separatists for decades, and Russia has kept a tight leash on separatists in Chechnya (and, to a lesser degree, Dagestan) for years; and China faces formal separatist ambitions not only from Taiwan, but also from such occupied western provinces as Tibet. The recognition of Kosovo's independence puts these countries in a precarious position, as one can interpret the course of events as a justification for initial violence in pursuit of an independent state based almost solely on ethnic divisiveness. For this reason, the immediate Turkish recognition of Kosovo's independence is somewhat surprising, given continued conflicts in the Kurdistan region.
Although Russia has indicated that it would veto a United Nations recognition of Kosovo in the Security Council, the UN administration of Kosovo and its immediate recognition by several prominent nations lessens any chance that Kosovo will one day find itself again under Serbian influence. However, the international community can only wait and see what happens as the dust settles on this continually tense situation.
On Sunday, 17th February, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia. Thus far, the international response to this unilateral declaration has been mixed. Several prominent governments, notably the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Turkey, and Afghanistan, have acknowledged Kosovar independence, while several other major nations, notably Russia, China, and Spain, have refused. A number of other countries, such as Greece, Romania, Israel, and the other component nations of the former Yugoslavia, have withheld their support for either internal reasons, or to avoid complicating their relations with Serbia.
Kosovo has existed in various forms since at least the fourth century BC, during which time it has been incorporated into the Ottoman Empire, Albania, Yugoslavia, and finally Serbia. The majority of Kosovo's population consists of ethnic Albanians, most of whom are moderate Muslims; the Kosovar culture is pluralistic, and tensions between the Albanian majority and the primarily Serb minority on the basis of religion have been minimal. During the numerous conflicts in the region following the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, violence has occurred primarily upon ethnic divides, although such notable Islamist militants as Abu Hamza al Masri are believed to have participated in an Arab mujahideen against the Serbs.
The relationship between Serbia and the semi-autonomous province of Kosovo in the 1990's was extremely complex, and the narrative includes violence perpetrated by both the Serbs and the Kosovars. In 1999, the violence between the two, instigated in large part by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), led to an intervention and bombing campaign by NATO forces against Serbia. Since 1999, Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and overseen by the NATO KFOR peace keeping force. Kosovo's declaration of independence was met by celebratory marches in Kosovo itself, featuring the waving of American flags; and anti-independence demonstrations in now-neighboring Serbia, which still considers Kosovo to be Serbian territory. These demonstrations led to the storming and torching of the American embassy in the Serbian capital of Belgrade, prompting a withdrawal of American personnel.
As mentioned previously, NATO's involvement in Kosovo has been controversial from the start. Some saw the need to support a campaign aimed at cutting off alleged ethnic cleansing; others believed that NATO was backing the wrong side in a conflict between the Muslim Kosovar Albanians and the Christian serbs, a conflict that continued to be instigated by the terrorist attacks of the KLA. Still others believed that intervention had been unnecessary, arbitrary meddling, particularly when a major part of the justification for war came in the form of charges of "ethnic cleansing" and "mass graves" that failed to materialize in significant numbers once NATO forces entered Kosovo.
To their credit, since the 1999 intervention, the former Kosovar rebels have formed a stable, peaceful, pro-Western government. Part of the justification of some for supporting Kosovo's independence bid is based precisely on this: despite its violent past, the majority Muslim country has avoided violence since the 1999 war, embraced stability, and normalized its relationship with the outside world. This justification has some merit, although critics will cite the fact that such precedents are unlikely to influence other Muslim-dominated nations in North Africa, the Middle East, and Asia; European Muslim nations like Turkey, Albania, and now Kosovo are influenced more by European culture than by their predominately Muslim faith.
The question then remains: if nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Turkey have recognized Kosovo's independence, why have other nations such as Russia, China, and even Spain refused to do the same? Although the relationship between Russia and its former Yugoslav satellite of Serbia can't be dismissed as a major factor, one underlying reason for this refusal to recognize Kosovo is that it sets a precedent. The Spanish have been engaged in a conflict with Basque separatists for decades, and Russia has kept a tight leash on separatists in Chechnya (and, to a lesser degree, Dagestan) for years; and China faces formal separatist ambitions not only from Taiwan, but also from such occupied western provinces as Tibet. The recognition of Kosovo's independence puts these countries in a precarious position, as one can interpret the course of events as a justification for initial violence in pursuit of an independent state based almost solely on ethnic divisiveness. For this reason, the immediate Turkish recognition of Kosovo's independence is somewhat surprising, given continued conflicts in the Kurdistan region.
Although Russia has indicated that it would veto a United Nations recognition of Kosovo in the Security Council, the UN administration of Kosovo and its immediate recognition by several prominent nations lessens any chance that Kosovo will one day find itself again under Serbian influence. However, the international community can only wait and see what happens as the dust settles on this continually tense situation.
1 Comments:
A pretty good synopsis of the situation in Kosovo. There is merit to the argument of 'precedent', however regarding the interest of the Russian Federation, I wouln't discount the historical religious ties between Serbia and Russia as the source of Russia's interest in the matter.
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